[INDOLOGY] Non-standard sandhi
Krishnaprasad G
krishnaprasadah.g at gmail.com
Tue Mar 19 00:29:14 UTC 2019
This avagrahava is very very modern.
In Mahabhasya Patanjali writes for भ्यसो भ्यम् as किमयं भ्यंशब्दः अहोस्विद्
अभ्यम् शब्दः
कुतः सन्देहः ? समानो निर्देशः।
And even in the time of Bhattoji Dikshita was not used.
For समुदाङ्भ्यो यमोग्रन्थे he comments, अग्रन्थे इतिच्छेदः।
And there is a commentary on Bhagavatam by Satyadharmatirtha he is 250
years back. Even he writes such.
So no difference in pronunciation.
KP
On Tue 19 Mar, 2019, 3:12 AM Madhav Deshpande via INDOLOGY, <
indology at list.indology.info> wrote:
> Dear Harry,
>
> You have raised an interesting question. The term *avagraha *is
> used in older texts like the Prātiśākhyas and Śikṣās to refer to a pause
> between members of compounds in the Padapāṭha, and some texts like the
> Śaunakīya-Caturādhyāyikā (3.3.35: ऋगर्धर्चपदान्तावग्रहविवृत्तिषु मात्राकाल:
> काल:) assign the duration of a *mātrā *to this type of *avagraha*. The
> written sign of *avagraha *(ऽ) in later times got extended to cases like
> ततोऽपि and एतेऽपि, and yet I have not seen evidence for this extension in
> any of the phonetic texts, and to my knowledge there is no actual pause in
> recitation in these cases. Such a pause would create difficulties with the
> meters. How, when and why the term *avagraha *and the written sign (ऽ)
> got extended to such uses needs to be investigated. But it has no phonetic
> value as far as I know.
>
> Madhav
>
> Madhav M. Deshpande
> Professor Emeritus
> Sanskrit and Linguistics
> University of Michigan
> [Residence: Campbell, California]
>
>
> On Mon, Mar 18, 2019 at 12:25 PM Harry Spier via INDOLOGY <
> indology at list.indology.info> wrote:
>
>> How are avagrahas considered in metrical verses?
>> Is --- sahite 'sya --- pronounced as if it was --- sahite sya --- or is
>> there a slight pause for the avagraha?
>>
>> Harry Spier
>>
>> On Mon, Mar 18, 2019 at 3:43 AM Martin Gansten via INDOLOGY <
>> indology at list.indology.info> wrote:
>>
>>> Thanks to Madhav Deshpande, Andrey Klebanov and Harry Spier for their
>>> (off-list) replies to my question, confirming that the sandhi *e + a >
>>> a a* is indeed non-standard. Madhav wrote:
>>>
>>> I have not seen another example exactly like this, and have not come
>>> across a traditional rule to deal with this. I wonder how hybrid this text
>>> is, or whether there are manuscript variants for this particular passage.
>>> One thing I noticed is that if we keep the presumed pre-sandhi reading of
>>> "sahite asya," the meter does not work, and neither does it work with the
>>> regular sandhi "sahite 'sya." The meter does seem to work with "sahita
>>> asya". The last syllable of "sahita" needs to be metrically light. So I
>>> suppose some sort of metrical compulsion may have resulted in this
>>> irregularity. Just a thought.
>>>
>>>
>>> The work in question is a largish one (~550 stanzas) and written in
>>> perfectly grammatical, sometimes even elegant Sanskrit in a variety of
>>> metres, with no particular suggestion of being hybrid, and the witnesses I
>>> have seen (two of the work itself, and half a dozen of another work quoting
>>> the verse in question) all agree on the reading of this passage.
>>>
>>> Harry raised the same point about the metre (svāgatā), but it wouldn't
>>> be difficult to rephrase the pāda so as to conform to both metre and
>>> standard sandhi (e.g., tena vāpi sahite 'sya ca labdhis). So I am left with
>>> the impression that Yādavasūri must have considered his choice of sandhi in
>>> this case unproblematic, although he usually follows the stardard rule *e
>>> + a > e [']*.
>>>
>>> Thanks again,
>>> Martin
>>>
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