[INDOLOGY] Re: Question

Andrew Ollett andrew.ollett at gmail.com
Mon Mar 15 14:39:49 UTC 2021

See Jamison, Stephanie. 1988. ‘The quantity of the outcome of vocalized
laryngeals in Indic’. In A. Bammesberger, ed., *Die Laryngaltheorie und die
Rekonstruktion des indogermanischen Laut- und Formensystems,* 213–226.
Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Jamison argued that *ī* is the regular development
of an interconsonantal laryngeal in a final syllable, while *i* is the
regular development elsewhere. If I'm not mistaken (I don't have a copy of
the paper now) she argued that the length of *ī* in the weak stem of 9th
class verbs was in order to distinguish the (synchronic) stem-final vowel
from the (synchronic) "linking-vowel" *i*. That might account for its
appearance in non-present forms of 9th class verbs (although once again I
don't remember her argument).

In Middle Indic the outcome *i* seems to be more general (Prakrit *gahia-* for
Sanskrit* gr̥hīta*- etc.), though I remember vaguely that early scholars
took this to be a secondary (accentual) development from the Sanskrit
forms. In principle they could represent the "regular" outcome of the PIE

On Mon, Mar 15, 2021 at 9:07 AM Madhav Deshpande <mmdesh at umich.edu> wrote:

> Pāṇini' rule "ग्रहोऽलिटि दीर्घ:" [७।२।३७] prescribes the lengthening of
> "i" in forms like गृहीत, गृहीत्वा etc.  Is there a historical explanation
> of this lengthening?
> Madhav M. Deshpande
> Professor Emeritus, Sanskrit and Linguistics
> University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA
> Senior Fellow, Oxford Center for Hindu Studies
> Adjunct Professor, National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, India
> [Residence: Campbell, California, USA]
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