_______________________________________________The conversation did take a speculative turn with the tantric geographic identifications. It is unambiguous however that earlier the Chinese and Indians were identifying China as MahÄcÄ«na and CÄ«na. In certain contexts, the Chinese transcribed the sounds rather than use the character for Qin.The following from Huili's Biography of Xuanzang, written contemporaneously with Xuanzang (mid-7th c reflects early Tang usage of how Indians supposedly referred to China.《大å”大慈æ©å¯ºä¸‰è—法師傳》å·2:「其夜眾僧皆夢神[8]人告曰:「æ¤å®¢åƒ§å¾žæ‘©è¨¶è„‚é‚£[9]國來,欲å¸[10]經å°åº¦ï¼Œè§€ç¦®è–迹,ã€(CBETA, T50, no. 2053, p. 231, a13-15)
[8]〔人〕ï¼ã€ç”²ã€‘。[9]〔國〕ï¼ã€å®‹ã€‘ã€å…ƒã€‘ã€æ˜Žã€‘ã€å®®ã€‘ã€ç”²ã€‘。[10]經ï¼æ³•ã€ç”²ã€‘。摩訶脂那]國 = MahÄ-cÄ«na country.Some editions omit 國 (guo / country), leaving just 摩訶脂那 = MahÄ-cÄ«na.Li Rongxi translates this: "During that night all the monks of the monastery had a dream in which a divine being told them, 'This guest monk coming from MahÄcÄ«na wishes to study the scriptures in India, to visit and worship the holy sites...'"Later in the same text, an Indian monk is asked by fellow monks to send a letter to Xuanzang who is now back in China. The letter begins:《大å”大慈æ©å¯ºä¸‰è—法師傳》å·7:「:「微妙å‰ç¥¥ä¸–尊金剛座所摩訶è©æ寺諸多èžçœ¾æ‰€å…±åœç¹žä¸Šåº§æ…§å¤©ï¼Œè‡´æ›¸æ‘©è¨¶æ”¯é‚£åœ‹æ–¼ç„¡é‡ç¶“律論妙盡精微木å‰é˜¿é®åˆ©è€¶ã€(CBETA, T50, no. 2053, p. 261, b8-11)Li Rongxi's tr:The abbot PrajñÄdeva, of MahÄbodhi Monastery at the Diamond Seat of the mysterious and auspicious World-Honored One, surrounded by a multitude of learned monks, begs to send this letter to the Moká¹£ÄcÄrya of the country of MahÄcÄ«na, who is most learned in the subtle teachings of many scriptures, disciplinary texts, and treatises, extending to him unlimited respect and wishing that he may live in good health with least ailment and trouble.PrajñÄdeva is rendered in translated Chinese (Hui tian 慧天); MahÄbodhi is transcribed (摩訶è©æ); Moká¹£ÄcÄrya is also transcribed (木å‰é˜¿é®åˆ©è€¶). And China is referred to as摩訶支那國 MahÄcÄ«na country.It is nteresting to note that the first MahÄcÄ«na transcription uses è„‚ for the "chi" sound, while the second uses 支 (in modern mandarin, both are pronounced zhi-first tone): 摩訶脂那 and 摩訶支那. Both è„‚é‚£ and 支那 are recognized as old transcriptions of China.CBETA yields 30 hits for the second transcription 摩訶支那, all from Tang, Song, and Ming, showing that this name for China was occasionally used long after the Later Qin.CÄ«na 支那 has 534 hits, but one would have to weed through them to see which refer to China or something Chinese, and which are used for other transcriptions.The first transcription 摩訶脂那, however, gets no hits aside from the one in the Biography above. è„‚é‚£ CÄ«na by itself gets 52 hits. E.g. 《佛本行集經》å·11〈11 ç¿’å¸æŠ€è—å“〉:「脂那國書(大隋)。ã€(CBETA, T03, no. 190, p. 703, c20), Abhiniá¹£kramaṇa sÅ«tra, tr. by JñÄnagupta between 587-597 CE, during the Sui Dynasty. Amongst a list of countries, it includes "the country of CÄ«na" and in parentheses, "Great Sui".)The term CÄ«na was not just a geographical identity, but an ethnic one as well. The Biography of Xuanzang refers to Chinese as an ethnic lineage thus:《大å”大慈æ©å¯ºä¸‰è—法師傳》å·5:「åˆå…¶çŽ‹è°æ…§ï¼Œå»ºåœ‹ç›¸æ‰¿å¤šæ·å¹´æ‰€ï¼Œè‡ªäº‘本是脂那æ婆瞿怛羅([26]å”言漢日天種),ã€(CBETA, T50, no. 2053, p. 250, b25-27)
[26]å”言明本皆作æ¤è¨€ã€‚Li tr:The king was wise and intelligent and had been on the Throne for many years. He acknowledged himself to be a descendent of the CÄ«na-deva-gotra (the Divine Stock of Han).That is transcribed and then translated: è„‚é‚£æ婆瞿怛羅 (å”言漢日天種)è„‚é‚£ = CÄ«naæ婆 = deva瞿怛羅 = gotraå”言 = "in Tang [=Chinese] language"漢日天種 = æ¼¢ Han [=Chinese] + 日天 = sun god + 種 = seed.This is interesting because we have three Chinese references to "China": CÄ«na, Tang, and Han. The Chinese recognize that foreigners call them China, they identify with their current polity, the Tang dynasty, and ethnically as Han. Like Arjuna in the Gita they can have many names.So it is unambiguous that the term China or maha-Cina was being used as self-reference still in the Sui and Tang, and additional citations from Song, Ming, etc. sources could be easily added. It also confirms that Indians (and others) were using the name China or Maha-China already in the 6th and 7th centuries.Incidentally, I have found at least one usage of "In Qin language it would be" in a text from the late 3rd c., which would predate the Latter QIn dynasty by nearly a century:Chronicle of AÅ›oka, tr. by An Faqin 安法欽, a Parthian, ca. 281-306
《阿育王傳》å·7:「æ¤æ˜¯å…’志乃至åˆç”Ÿã€‚å³åé ˆé”秦言善æ„)ã€(CBETA, T50, no. 2042, p. 127, a16)
It says: "...Sudatta, in Qin language is good intention."Dan Lusthaus.----- Original Message -----From: Andrea AcriSent: Sunday, March 13, 2016 9:16 AMSubject: Re: [INDOLOGY] Origin of Mah?c?naThe issue as to what were the geographical entities denoted by the terms cÄ«na and mahÄcÄ«na (at different times, mainly in Buddhist Tantric texts) has generated quite a lot of discussion; however, I was not aware of an Eastern Indian/Burmese identification. Here suffice it to say that MahÄcÄ«na appears to refer to China proper in the Aá¹£á¹asahÄsrika-PrajñÄpÄramitÄ Nepalese manuscript of AD 1015, since it locates Mañjughoá¹£a there (mahÄcÄ«ne mañjughoá¹£e, which refers to MañjuÅ›rÄ« at Mt Wutai).According to Geoff Wade, Zina was the term used by the inhabitants of Yelang (a polity in the western Guizhou region) to refer to themselves, and is possibly the source of Sanskrit cÄ«na (see ‘The Polity of Yelang and the origin of the name ‘‘China’’’, Sino Platonic Papers 188, May 2009, available online).BestAndreaOn 12 March 2016 at 7:13:10 am, Loriliai Biernacki (loriliai.biernacki@colorado.edu) wrote:
I located the Dvivedi quote, in case anyone is interested: --“ityatra varṇitau cÄ«nasnÄnanamaskÄrau islÄmadharmÄnuyÄyinÄṃ vaju-namaj-karmaṇī anuharataḥâ€- this comes from the intro to the Åšaktisaá¹gama Tantra, vol.4, p.42._______________________________________________Maybe yes, my own sense is that in this context C?na points less to a known region and more simply functions as a place-holder for the category of the foreign; in part I think this because the practices in the C?n?c?ratantra, which are primarily sexual in nature, appear to be rooted in practices popular in Bengal and Western Assam, unlike the practices associated with Eastern Assam, Sadiya for instance, and Burma, known for human sacrifice.Of course this doesn’t discount your point that C?na might have simply referred to a vague geographic region that these writers supposed to be located where contemporary Burma, Nagaland etc are. I suspect that the Bengali and Western Assamese writers use the term because it already signified a functional geographic “otherâ€, in this case somewhat denigrated, (maybe similar to the medieval and early modern European uses of the “orientâ€?), and maybe also not so different from one of V.V. Dvivedi’s 20th century introductions where he compares the c?n?c?ra practice to Muslim practices.All best,LoriliaiFrom: INDOLOGY <indology-bounces@list.indology.info> on behalf of Dominik Wujastyk <wujastyk@gmail.com>
Date: Thursday, March 10, 2016 at 9:17 PM
To: Indology <indology@list.indology.info>
Subject: Re: [INDOLOGY] Origin of Mah?c?naI'm an outsider in this discussion, so pardon any naive remarks. I was under the impression, though, from something I read somewhere (that statement wouldn't get past Wikipedia) that C?na in Tantrika texts, especially the Mah?c?n?c?ratantra, referred to what we today call the Assam-Burma region. Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Tripura, Northern Burma that sort of area.Best,Dominik--Professor Dominik Wujastyk*
Singhmar Chair in Classical Indian Society and Polity
University of Alberta, Canada
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