Dear Professor Hart and
Colleagues,
The morphosyntax and word order in Old and Pre-old Tamil are
very
captivating and intriguing. The
only
structure where we notice a strict and regular constituent order
is in the case
of “determinans-
determinatum”. In other cases
the order of constituent is conditioned mostly by “information
structure”
rather than the strictly syntactic functions.
I would like to
complete the bibliographical reference and add few more
publications on the
issue.
Our work on a selected corpus
of Classical
Tamil has been published: A. Murugaiyan et Christiane
Pilot-Raichoor, (2004) « Les
prédications indifférenciées en dravidien : témoins d'une
évolution typologique
archaïque », Les constituants prédicatifs et la diversité
des langues,
(Mémoires de la Sociéte Linguistique de Paris, tome 14),
Louvain, Peeters,
p. 155-177.
We are currently
working on an extended corpus of the Sangam literature.
Pilot-Raichoor has
published another important article based on the Tamil-Brāhmī
corpus
(2012)“Tamil
Brahmi inscriptions: a Critical
Landmark in the History of the Dravidian Languages” in Appasamy Murugaiyan (Ed.)
New Dimensions in Tamil
Epigraphy: (Papers from symposia held at Ecole Pratique
des Hautes Etudes,
Section des Sciences historiques et philologiques, Paris in 2005
and 2006; and
few special papers), CreA publishers, Chennai, 317-349.
On the Sangam texts,
there is an article on what is known as “Dative Subjects” among
the South Asian
linguists: A. Murugaiyan, 2004. « Note
sur les prédications expérientielles en tamoul classique », Bulletin
de
la Société de Linguistique de Paris, 99, p. 363-382.
On the Tamil
Inscriptions I have published two articles:
A. Murugaiyan. 2012. «Hero
Stone Inscriptions in Tamil (450-650 CE.): Text to Meaning: A
Functional
Perspective», Appasamy Murugaiyan (Ed.) New Dimensions in
Tamil Epigraphy: (Papers
from symposia held at Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Section
des Sciences
historiques et philologiques, Paris in 2005 and 2006; and few
special papers),
CreA publishers, Chennai, 316-351.
And A.
Murugaiyan. 2015. Identifying Basic
Constituent Order in Old Tamil: Issues in historical linguistics
with Special
Reference to Tamil Epigraphic texts (400-650 CE). International Journal of
Dravidian
Linguistics, Vol.
44
No. 2. 1-18.
Best wishes,
A. Murugaiyan
Appasamy
Murugaiyan EPHE-UMR 7528 Mondes iranien et indien 27 rue Paul-Bert 94204- Ivry-sur-Seine. France |
This is fascinating — thanks. I have gone over a good part of Sangam literature carefully and cannot remember ever finding a relative clause, though of course this doesn’t mean they didn’t exist. Certainly they are fairly common in modern Tamil. It would be interesting to know when they first appear in the literature and whether they are documented in other premodern Dravidian literatures. Regarding word order, it is true, as Susan Herring shows, that old Tamil often does not put the finite verb at the end. But it should be noted that in the case of converbials (adverbial participials) and adjectival participles, the verb form always comes at the end of its phrase — nothing after it can be construed with it unless it is the noun construed with the participial adjective, in which case the noun must directly follow it or (occasionally) be very near it. In this way, the word order of old Tamil is thoroughly constrained, as far as I can see. Sanskrit, obviously, is completely different, allowing related words to be far apart.
I am looking forward to finding out about the theories of Pilot-Ramichoor and Murugaiyan about pre-old-Tamil morphology — hope they are published.
I am glad my mistake (saying Hindi was right-branching) led to a very intriguing discussion. George Hart
On Aug 18, 2015, at 9:37 AM, Hock, Hans Henrich <hhhock@illinois.edu> wrote:
Let me add a few more cents’ worth.
The idea that Indo-Aryan, including Sanskrit, fundamentally differs from Dravidian in its syntactic typology, though sanctioned by a certain “tradition” in South Asian linguistics, is problematic on several counts.
First, the only area in which (most of) Modern Indo-Aryan can be said to be robustly right-branching is that of Complement structures (marked by ki/ke/jo/je) — a relatively recent phenomenon, reflecting Persian influence. (Some of the languages also are beginning to adopt postnominal, center-embedded relative clauses, most likely based on the English model.)
Earlier Indo-Aryan is essentially left-branching, but with a fair amount of word-order (and not just phrase-order) freedom, depending on genre. This freedom is often contrasted with the supposedly very rigid structure of Modern Dravidian. However, Susan Herring has furnished excellent evidence from Old Tamil attesting to a fair amount of phrase-order freedom, includiing structures that are verb-initial, with all other elements extraposed to the right. I have observed similar freedom (through interviews) in a colloquial variety of Modern Kannada, and I suspect that the rigidity attributed to the modern (literary) languages is an effect of diglossia, similar to the relatively more rigid sentence structure of modern literary German, as contrasted with colloquial or dialectal varieties.
Another feature shared by traditional Indo-Aryan, including Sanskrit, and Dravidian is the fact that relativization can be encoded both in nonfinite form, through (relative) participles, and in finite form, through relative-correlative structures. The latter had for a long time been considered to be Indo-Aryan borrowings in Dravidian (and some linguists considered the Indo-Aryan counterparts to somehow reflect an innovation, triggered by contact with Dravidian); but starting with research by Ramasamy, Lakshmi Bai, and Steever, it has become clear that the structures are indigenous to Dravidian, and I have presented arguments and evidence that the Sanskrit/Indo-Aryan structures are inherited from Proto-Indo-European.
There is, however, one important behavioral difference: Dravidian relative clauses can only precede their correlative counterparts; in Sanskrit/Indo-Aryan (and PIE) they can either precede or follow (and in some cases both precede and follow, one on each side). Whether this should be considered evidence for “right branching” or “mixed right- and left-branching” might be subject to debate (fueled, in many cases, by theory-internal or even ideological considerations). What is important to know, however, is that relative-correlatives are a common phenomenon in languages that would otherwise be considered “rigid” SOV/verb-final or left-branching.
One more thing that is worth bearing in mind. Recent publications by Pilot-Raichoor (with Murugaiyan) suggest that prehistoric (i.e. pre-Old Tamil) Dravidian may have been very different in its morphology and, by implication, in its morphosyntax, with traces still observable in Old Tamil and elsewhere. At this point, these publications do not seem to have been subjected to the (obligatory) vetting process; from personal experience I know that many Dravidologists are skeptical. Nevertheless, this work suggests that we need to be cautious concerning claims about the syntactic similarities and differences between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian at, say, 1500 BC.
All the best,
Hans Henrich Hock
On 18 Aug 2015, at 07:58, Robert Zydenbos <zydenbos@uni-muenchen.de> wrote:
George Hart wrote:
Of course, Sanskrit compounds can seem
difficult if one’s native language does not mimic their syntax. Both
Hindi and Sanskrit are right-branching, whereas Dravidian is
left-branching.
Please allow me a bit of nit-picking. If by 'left-branching' we mean
that, e.g., attributes precede the substantives to which they refer,
then both Sanskrit and Hindi (and all the rest of the so-called
Indogermanic / Indo-European languages of India, i.e., 'Indo-Aryan') are
quite left-branching indeed. The so-called 'genitive' in Hindi (which is
actually a kind of adjective, inflected kā-ke-kī according to the gender
and case of the following substantive) already illustrates this.
Of course it is possible for genitives in Sanskrit or (very rarely)
Hindi to follow the substantives to which they refer, esp. for metrical
reasons in verse. But it seems that also in Sanskrit prose, genitives,
as attributive words, as a rule precede that to which they refer – which
is precisely not the tendency in a language such as Latin, which has a
more clearly right-branching tendency. I think that this syntactic
feature is one more bit of evidence that the Indo-Aryan languages were
heavily Dravidianized already from their earliest historical beginnings,
as F.B.J. Kuijper and others have pointed out.
Naturally, people who speak those languages find
Sanskrit compounds, which are left-branching like Dravidian languages,
somewhat difficult.
Indeed the internal structure of samāsas is left-branching, which may
explain why an author like Rāmānujācārya in Tamiḻnāḍu sometimes uses
very long compounds such as are uncommon among philosophical authors.
Stella Sandahl wrote:
The Sanskrit compound is not at all as complicated as students (and even teachers) like to think.
Indeed. Though there may be statistically determinable average limits of
quick comprehension among ordinary readers, I am sure that it is largely
a matter of what one is accustomed to.
RZ
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