[INDOLOGY] Sandhi and grammar

Jan E.M. Houben jemhouben at gmail.com
Mon Feb 26 17:24:27 UTC 2024

Basically, the solution to the problem evoked by Michael Witzel and others
is evidently correct: laryngeals which were still actively used and
perceived ("sprachwirklich") in an earlier stage of the language had their
influence on sandhi-phenomena in Vedic and Sanskrit: this explains both, in
large outlines, the prag.rhya vowels ("irregular" external sandhi) and a
form resulting seemingly from an "irregularity" in internal sandhi, such as
aorist áana.t (LIV2 p. 282-283; vs. the regular augment, á-, before other
dhaatus starting in n-, as in ánijam).
Between the earlier stage of the language and the stage observed in Vedic
and Sanskrit we can posit, as usual,
A. some "sound laws" -- being, as posited laws, "ausnahmslos", i.e.,
without exception --
B. AND changes and adaptations by the speech community through analogy (on
"soundlaw" and "analogy" in language change see for instance R.S.
Beekes, *Comparative
Indo-European Linguistics*, chapter on Language Change),
INTERFERENCE SINCE A VERY EARLY DATE, somewhat annoying for the pure
starting with the pada-kaaras, some of whom preceded Paa.nini, who refers
to some of them; and of course Paa.nini himself (not much later or earlier
than 350 B.C.) who (chronologically) followed but definitely also preceded
some authorial and editorial activity in Vedic literature (as demonstrated
by Johannes Bronkhorst and others); hence, Patañjali finds it necessary to
state in the Vyaakara.na-Mahaabhaa.sya that it is the padakaaras who have
to follow grammar, not the other way round :
na lakṣaṇena padakārā anuvartyāḥ | padakārair nāma lakṣaṇam anuvartyam.
(So, yes, at least according to Patañjali, "sandhi" has definitely
dependence on "grammar")

In any case, in the context of internal vs. external sandhi we have to be
aware that the padapāṭha of the R̥gveda, attributed to Śākalya, treats as
words the forms which correspond to the Pāṇinian pada (AA 1.4.14-17) not
only in the restricted sense (*sup* and *tiṅ* -- in Pāṇini's definition
this includes forms where a supposed *sup* disappears, as in *avyaya*s, AA
2.4.82), but in the broader sense as well, which includes the nominal stem
before endings meeting certain conditions (not meeting the conditions for
applying the technical term *bha*: AA 1.4.18-20). What modern Vedic grammar
regards as different rules of internal sandhi when joining a nominal stem
and an ending is according to both Śākalya and Pāṇini partly identical,
partly not-identical to external sandhi, simply depending on whether the
pre-vibhakti stem is a *pada* or *bha*.

For possible enthusiasts I refer to
Jan E.M. Houben 2016 -- From Fuzzy-Edged "Family-Veda" to the Canonical
Śaakhas of the Catur-Veda: Structures and Tangible Traces
(on the activity of padakaaras in Vedic India but* not* in the Avesta --
two cultural-linguistic domains which were GEOGRAPHICALLY not just adjacent
but partly overlapping)

Jan E.M. Houben, Conférences de l’année 2011-2012, in: « Sources et
Histoire de la tradition sanskrite », Annuaire de l'École pratique des
hautes études (EPHE), Section des sciences historiques et philologiques [En
ligne], 146 | 2015 (*inter alia* on pada 'word' in *later* Vedic texts --
not yet in the RV, where pada has a different meaning -- and in Pāṇini).

Further: Jan E.M. Houben, “Studies in India’s Vedic Grammarians, 1:
Nārāyaṇa Bhaṭṭa’s Prakriyā-sarvasva and Pāṇini’s Śe.” In: Studies in
Sanskrit Grammars : Proceedings of the 14th World Sanskrit Conference, ed.
by G. Cardona, A. Aklujkar, H. Ogawa : 163-194. New Delhi : D.K.
Printworld. 2012.

On Mon, 26 Feb 2024 at 11:53, Martin Joachim Kümmel via INDOLOGY <
indology at list.indology.info> wrote:

> The basic reason for the special behaviour of dual endings might rather be
> that some of them originally had a disyllabic structure *-ahiH,  *-iHiH so
> that it was not reduced to a simple diphthong or vowel in Sandhi, and by
> analogy this was extended to other duals.
> Malzahn assumes this also for the neuter in *-o-jh₁#V > *-aiH#V > *-ayy#V
> but here I would doubt that the laryngeal had such an impact since it
> clearly did not in cases of *ayHV > Skt.  ayV in internal position. But
> feminine forms in *-aH-iH and *-iH-iH are a different case. I discussed
> this in a review (Kratylos 49, 2004, pp. 53-55).
> Best wishes,
> Martin
> *Von:* INDOLOGY <indology-bounces at list.indology.info> * Im Auftrag von *Hock,
> Hans Henrich via INDOLOGY
> *Gesendet:* Samstag, 24. Februar 2024 19:48
> *An:* Dieter Gunkel <dcgunkel at gmail.com>
> *Cc:* indology at list.indology.info
> *Betreff:* Re: [INDOLOGY] Sandhi and grammar
> Thanks, Dieter, for this helpful reference.
> If I read Malzahn’s arguments regarding the dual endings correctly, she
> suggests that their exceptional behavior can be attributed to the frequency
> of pre-pausal forms in numerals and vocatives, and that in the latter case
> prosodic factors may have played a role.
> I’m not convinced, however, that this will explain the lack of sandhi; if
> anything, a short final vowel might be expected to undergo contraction even
> more readily than a long final vowel. Moreover, there are many forms in
> short final vowel (e.g. the vocative in *-a* of *a-*stems) that do not
> exhibit exceptional sandhi behavior. So the situation still looks murky to
> me.
> Best wishes,
> Hans Henrich
> On Feb 24, 2024, at 11:36, Dieter Gunkel <dcgunkel at gmail.com> wrote:
> On the sandhi behavior of the dual endings and the linguistic history of
> their pragRhyatva, see Melanie Malzahn's dissertation, esp. ch. 2:
> https://richmond.box.com/s/qp9cn2t34zb1akvwgylmhsdgda3ltpnk
> <https://urldefense.com/v3/__https:/richmond.box.com/s/qp9cn2t34zb1akvwgylmhsdgda3ltpnk__;!!DZ3fjg!9jgUjd-WaWmgFPajC1MuIy2Hykrhh_pAkeWtPJ4Awgl_RSwylNGRsGYjfAYIEYnwu7siMSK0CKf7fiRjjQ$>
> Best wishes,
> Dieter
> _______________________________________________
> INDOLOGY mailing list
> INDOLOGY at list.indology.info
> https://list.indology.info/mailman/listinfo/indology


*Jan E.M. Houben*

Directeur d'Études, Professor of South Asian History and Philology

*Sources et histoire de la tradition sanskrite*

École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE, Paris Sciences et Lettres)

*Sciences historiques et philologiques *

Groupe de recherches en études indiennes (EA 2120)

*johannes.houben [at] ephe.psl.eu <johannes.houben at ephe.psl.eu>*


*https://www.classicalindia.info* <https://www.classicalindia.info>

LabEx Hastec -- *L'Inde Classique* augmentée: construction, transmission

     et transformations d'un savoir scientifique
-------------- next part --------------
An HTML attachment was scrubbed...
URL: <https://list.indology.info/pipermail/indology/attachments/20240226/df9c97a0/attachment.htm>

More information about the INDOLOGY mailing list