[INDOLOGY] Re: On the Date of Classical Tamil Poems
Jean-Luc Chevillard
jean-luc.chevillard at univ-paris-diderot.fr
Thu Feb 25 08:34:36 UTC 2021
* chose
--> "chosen"
On 25/02/2021 09:13, Jean-Luc Chevillard wrote:
> Dear Palaniappan,
>
> thanks for this.
>
> Maybe one could add to the list of such usages the phrase அருவி யாம்பல்
> [aruvi y-āmpal], which was considered as striking enough to be chose as
> a title for the poem Patiṟṟuppattu 63 (which is part of the decade
> composed by Kapilar)
>
> -- Jean-Luc
>
> https://twitter.com/JLC1956
>
>
> On 24/02/2021 21:07, Sudalaimuthu Palaniappan wrote:
>> Oops, I meant to correct 'urāak kutirai' to be 'ūrāk kutirai'.
>>
>> Sorry.
>>
>> Regards,
>> Palaniappan
>>
>> On 2/24/21, 2:04 PM, "Sudalaimuthu Palaniappan" <palaniappa at aol.com>
>> wrote:
>>
>> Sorry, please correct 'urāk kutirai' to be 'ūrāk kutirai'.
>>
>> Regards,
>> Palaniappan
>>
>> On 2/24/21, 1:55 PM, "Sudalaimuthu Palaniappan"
>> <palaniappa at aol.com> wrote:
>>
>> Dear JLC,
>>
>> Thank you for this link. I should acknowledge that long time
>> ago, it was Rajam who pointed out this type of usage in Classical
>> Tamil to me. It should also be noted that some commentators call this
>> technique by the term 'veḷippaṭai'. This is how Tamil Lexicon explains
>> the term, "(Rhet.) A figure of speech in which the meaning of an
>> ambiguous word is made clear by the use of a qualifying word, as pāyā-
>> vēṅkai; பல்பொருள் குறிக்குஞ் சொல்லை ஒரு பொருட்கு நியமிக்கும்பொருட்டு ஏற்றதோர் அடை
>> கொடுத்துக் கூறும் அணிவகை. (புறநா. 17, உரை.)" It should be noted that by
>> this definition, even affirmatively explaining a homonym is called
>> 'veḷippaṭai'. Indeed, the example cited by the Tamil Lexicon is one
>> such usage in Puṟam 17.13, i.e., 'aṭu poruna' making clear that by
>> 'poruna' the warrior-king is indicated and not a bard. The
>> commentators also use this term in regards to 'pūvā vañci (Puṟam
>> 32.2), uḻāa nāñcil (Puṟam 139.8), and urāak kutirai (Puṟam 168.14).
>> However, one can see that most of the examples use NAP in these usages.
>>
>> That is why I was surprised that commentators like
>> Vēṅkaṭacāmi Nāṭṭār missed the significance of the expression 'eḻāap
>> pāṇaṉ'.
>>
>> Regards,
>> Palaniappan
>>
>>
>> On 2/22/21, 2:53 AM, "Jean-Luc Chevillard"
>> <jean-luc.chevillard at univ-paris-diderot.fr> wrote:
>>
>> For a recent discussion (in Tamil) of the topic in a
>> Tamil mailing list,
>> see:
>>
>>
>> https://groups.google.com/g/tamilmanram/c/4HshwozaY-E/m/5KqqmnRNAgAJ
>>
>>
>> 1. வேளாப் பார்ப்பான் (அகநானூறு)
>> 2. பொராஅப் பொருநன் (புறநானூறு)
>> 3. எழாஅப் பாணன் (அகநானூறு)
>> 4. பறாஅக் குருகு (கலித்தொகை)
>> 5. சூடா நறவு (பரிபாடல்)
>> 6. நோக்கல் நோக்கம் (தொல்காப்பியம்)
>> 7. பாடாத கந்தருவம் (காளமேகப் புலவர் பாடல்)
>> 8. பத்தி கோணாத கோணம் (காளமேகப் புலவர் பாடல)
>>
>>
>> -- Jean-Luc Chevvillard
>>
>>
>> https://twitter.com/JLC1956
>>
>>
>> On 22/02/2021 09:31, SUDALAIMUTHU PALANIAPPAN via
>> INDOLOGY wrote:
>> > Dear Herman,
>> >
>> > Thank you for your comment. Earlier I have discussed in
>> Indology, why
>> > the popular interpretation of ‘paṛppāṉ’ as ‘brahmin’ in
>> all occurrences
>> > should be set aside in favor of treating it as meaning
>> ‘a priest’ in
>> > general, who could be either brahmin or non-brahmin. (I
>> have discussed
>> > the reading vēḷārp paṛppāṉ in Aka. 24 earlier in
>> Indology.)
>> >
>> > Coming to other occurrences, there are many instances
>> where a homonym is
>> > used in an expression following a verb used as a
>> negative adjectival
>> > participle (NAP). The verb used in the expression
>> cannot be used with
>> > the intended subject and thereby indicates the other
>> unique meaning.
>> > Here are some examples.
>> >
>> > /tuvvā naṟavu/ - (Pati. 60.12)
>> > Here /naṟavu/ can mean toddy as well as a city in the
>> Cēra domain. The
>> > NAP 'non-eaten/non-consumed’ is used to indicate the city.
>> >
>> > /vāṭā vaḷḷi /- (Peru. 370)
>> > Here /vaḷḷi/ can mean either a creeper or a type of
>> dance. The NAP
>> > 'non-withering' is used to indicate the dance.
>> >
>> > /vāṭā mālai / (Puṟ. 364.1)
>> > Here /mālai /can mean either a garland or necklace. The
>> NAP vāṭā
>> > ’non-withering’ is used to indicate a necklace.
>> >
>> > /eyyā varivil/ (Aka. 192.4)
>> > Here /varivil/ can mean either a bow with lines (of
>> material tied around
>> > the bending material) or a rainbow with lines and
>> ‘/ey/’ means ’to
>> > discharge an arrow’. The NAP 'non-arrow-discharging’ is
>> used to indicate
>> > the rainbow.
>> >
>> > The multiple objects indicated by the homonym can
>> sometimes be linked by
>> > an obvious etymological connection and sometimes not.
>> They can also be
>> > connected by metonymy. When multiple subjects indicated
>> by the homonym
>> > can use the same verb we need to look at other
>> contextual information
>> > provided.
>> >
>> > Tolkāppiyam Collatikāram Kiḷaviyākkam (/nūṟpā/s 50-54
>> or 52-55 or 52-56
>> > according to different commentators) deals with this
>> use of homonyms.
>> >
>> > In the case of porāap porunar and eḻāap pāṇaṉ, we are
>> not dealing with
>> > disparate things like toddy versus city or creeper
>> versus dance.
>> > Moreover, as I have discussed earlier in Indology
>> >
>> (https://list.indology.info/empathy/thread/F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA?hash=F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA#F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA
>>
>> >
>> <https://list.indology.info/empathy/thread/F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA?hash=F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA#F2E2TBAGDGGHNC45MKHVVLBO64ZOYEDA>),
>>
>> > the same word maḷḷar is used to describe both the bards
>> and warriors.
>> > So, in these cases, we are talking about different
>> subsets of a single
>> > community that perform different functions and the
>> poets use the same
>> > general technique we described above to uniquely
>> identify the subset.
>> >
>> > Regards,
>> > Palaniappan
>> >
>> >
>> >> On Jan 24, 2021, at 5:32 AM, Tieken, H.J.H.
>> >> <H.J.H.Tieken at hum.leidenuniv.nl
>> >> <mailto:H.J.H.Tieken at hum.leidenuniv.nl>> wrote:
>> >>
>> >> Dear Palaniappan,
>> >> One more remark on the/vēl̥āp pārppaṉ/ and the other
>> examples
>> >> given mentione by you. From these constructions it
>> would appear that
>> >> the terms/pārppaṉ/,/porunar/ and///pāṇaṉ/refer to
>> something like a
>> >> (sub)caste called/pār̥ppaṉ/ etc, whose members are not
>> restricted to
>> >> brahmins performing sacrificial duties. However,
>> before being able to
>> >> say something more in this line we have to have more
>> examples of this
>> >> type of compound.
>> >> Herman
>> >>
>> >> Herman Tieken
>> >> Stationsweg 58
>> >> 2515 BP Den Haag
>> >> The Netherlands
>> >> 00 31 (0)70 2208127
>> >> website:hermantieken.com <http://hermantieken.com/>
>> >>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>> >> *Van:*INDOLOGY <indology-bounces at list.indology.info
>> >> <mailto:indology-bounces at list.indology.info>> namens
>> Tieken, H.J.H.
>> >> via INDOLOGY <indology at list.indology.info
>> >> <mailto:indology at list.indology.info>>
>> >> *Verzonden:*zondag 24 januari 2021 09:34:26
>> >> *Aan:*Sudalaimuthu Palaniappan; indology
>> >> *Onderwerp:*Re: [INDOLOGY] On the Date of Classical
>> Tamil Poems
>> >> Dear Palaniappan,
>> >> I think your interpretation of/eḻā pāṇaṉ/ is correct,
>> as is that
>> >> of/porāa porunar./I like to add another instance of
>> this type of
>> >> compound (about this, more below), from AN 24:/vēl̥āp
>> pārppaṉ/ Wilden's
>> >> (ad hoc) interpretation of this compound runs as
>> follows: we would
>> >> have to do with a non-sacrificing brahmin (/pārppaṉ/)
>> making a living
>> >> by, in this case, cutting bangles, when he is unable
>> to do so by
>> >> officiating at sacrifices. Also here, your
>> interpretation applies: we
>> >> have to do with a craftsman referred by the same name
>> as a brahmin
>> >> priest. The craftsman is distinguished from the latter
>> by/vēl̥ā/.
>> >> I have dealt with the passage in "Translating Tamil
>> Caṅkam Poetry:
>> >> Taking Stock" (OLZ 118 (4-5) (2020), pp. 287-303, esp.
>> p. 294-5 and
>> >> ftn 60) (By contract I am not allowed to place a pdf
>> link on my website)
>> >>
>> >> As to the type of compound, I do not have the article
>> at hand, but I
>> >> think it is precisely the one dealt with by Leendert
>> van Daalen in "A
>> >> Note on/vidhūma/ or/sadhūma/ /iva pāvaka/
>> at/Rāmāyaṇa/...." in IT 7
>> >> (1979), 171-189.
>> >> With kind regards
>> >> Herman
>> >>
>> >> Herman Tieken
>> >> Stationsweg 58
>> >> 2515 BP Den Haag
>> >> The Netherlands
>> >> 00 31 (0)70 2208127
>> >> website:hermantieken.com <http://hermantieken.com/>
>> >>
>> ------------------------------------------------------------------------
>> >> *Van:*INDOLOGY <indology-bounces at list.indology.info
>> >> <mailto:indology-bounces at list.indology.info>> namens
>> Sudalaimuthu
>> >> Palaniappan via INDOLOGY <indology at list.indology.info
>> >> <mailto:indology at list.indology.info>>
>> >> *Verzonden:*zondag 24 januari 2021 02:08:14
>> >> *Aan:*Indology List
>> >> *Onderwerp:*Re: [INDOLOGY] On the Date of Classical
>> Tamil Poems
>> >> I am reposting after correcting some typos.
>> >> I recently came across Auvai Turaicāmip Piḷḷai’s
>> interpretation of
>> >> some key details of Akam 113, and Akam 226. He makes
>> these comments in
>> >> his introduction to the decad called Pāṇaṉ Pattu of
>> his commentary on
>> >> Aiṅkuṟunūṟu (1958: 1028-29). (See attachment.) I do
>> not know if he has
>> >> provided detailed commentaries for the two poems.
>> >> With respect to Akam 113, Pillai says that the ruler
>> Pāṇaṉ belonged to
>> >> a section of the bardic community of the Pāṇar that
>> did not engage in
>> >> music and dance but excelled in wrestling and ruling
>> the land. He
>> >> refers to Perumpāṇappāṭi, etc., which we had discussed
>> earlier in the
>> >> thread. Pillai adds that the descendants of that Pāṇāṉ
>> were later
>> >> called Vāṇar, Vāṇātirāyar, Vāṇataraiyar, and
>> Vāṇakōvaraiyar. Pillai’s
>> >> interpretation has been accepted by many later
>> scholars such as Ve.
>> >> Varatarācan (1973: 15) and Irā. Iḷaṅkumaraṉ (1987:
>> 141). This confirms
>> >> my interpretation of/eḻāa/in Akam 113.17 as 'not
>> making music’. (For
>> >> the affirmative use of/eḻīi/in the sense of music
>> making, see
>> >> Patiṟṟuppattu 29.7-8.)
>> >> In this context, it should be noted that the critical
>> edition of
>> >> Akanāṉūṟu by Eva Wilden (2018) interprets the text
>> ‘/eḻā[a]p pāṇaṉ/’
>> >> as ‘the bard who does not rise’. In my view, Wilden
>> got only half of
>> >> it right. She is right to translate/pāṇaṉ/as ‘the
>> bard’. But, Wilden
>> >> has interpreted/eḻā/as deriving from DEDR 851/eḻu/-
>> 'to rise'. It
>> >> should be related to DEDR 5156/yāḻ, ñāḻ/, stringed
>> musical instrument;
>> >> eḻu- 'to emit sound’… The correct interpretation is
>> ‘the bard who does
>> >> not play the lute/make music’. This usage is the
>> converse of/'porāap
>> >> porunar/' in Puṟam 386.19, where 'non-fighting
>> warriors’ is used to
>> >> refer to bards, where both the bards and warriors can
>> be denoted by
>> >> the word ‘porunar’.
>> >> One may argue that the fact Akam 113 uses ‘/eḻā[a]’ to
>> describe
>> >> ‘Pāṇaṉ/’ may simply indicate the homophonous nature of
>> the name of the
>> >> ruler ‘/Pāṇaṉ/’ and the word for the bard,
>> ‘/pāṇaṉ,’/and not
>> >> necessarily show that the ruler was of bardic
>> origin/./ But, we know
>> >> that the bards had received villages as gifts from
>> Puṟam 302. But,
>> >> with respect to bards receiving a bigger territory, we
>> have that
>> >> possibility supported by Ciṟupāṇāṟṟuppaṭai 109
>> according to which the
>> >> chief Ōri gave ‘the good country with small hills to
>> Kōṭiyar’. Pillai
>> >> (1958: 1030) states that depending on what they did,
>> Pāṇar were known
>> >> by several names such as Pāṇar, Akavunar, Kūttar,
>> Kōṭiyar, Iyavar, and
>> >> Porunar. In a similar manner, the Pāṇar could have
>> received some
>> >> territory in the northern border area of the Tamil
>> region, which could
>> >> have become the base of the Pāṇar, who later became
>> the Bāṇas.
>> >> As for the bards becoming warriors, it is not
>> impossible for one to
>> >> have both skills. In the famous Tanjavur temple
>> inscription South
>> >> Indian Inscriptions, vol 2, no.66, there are several
>> members of the
>> >> crack troops of Ṛājarāja I (Terinta Valaṅkai
>> Vēḷaikkārar, Terinta
>> >> Parikkārar) who have been given grants as musicians
>> (pp.299-300).
>> >> The dynastic drift of the Bāṇas from the northern
>> Tamil border area
>> >> into Telugu or Kannada regions is nothing unusual. As
>> I already noted
>> >> in an earlier post, a branch of Cōḻas settled in the
>> Cudappah district
>> >> of the Telugu region in the 7^th century can be seen
>> to drift all the
>> >> way to Sonepur in South Kosala (Orissa) in the 12^th
>> century Mahadā
>> >> plates of Somesvaradevavarman.
>> >> In Akam 226, Pillai does not interpret Pāṇaṉ as an
>> ally of Kaṭṭi who
>> >> fled without fighting in the court of the Cōḻa king
>> Tittaṉ Veḷiyaṉ.
>> >> Rather, it was Pāṇaṉ, who was in the court of the
>> Chōḻa king, the
>> >> intended adversary of Kaṭṭi. Modern scholars like
>> Vēṅkaṭacāmi Nāṭṭār
>> >> and R. Vēṅkaṭācalam Pīllai (1946: 454) unnecessarily
>> add a word
>> >> ‘/kūṭi/’ meaning ‘having joined’ to “/Pāṇaṉoṭu/’ to
>> come up with the
>> >> misinterpreted meaning. The verb ‘/poru/’ ‘to fight’
>> is preceded by
>> >> the adversary being fought/intended to be fought by
>> the subject of the
>> >> verb with the case marker ‘/oṭu/'. Perhaps Nāṭṭār was
>> influenced by
>> >> Rā. Irākavaiyaṅkār (1923: 1670), who interpreted Pāṇaṉ
>> as an ally of
>> >> Kaṭṭi in his earlier edition. Hart (2015: 232) has
>> followed Nāttār’s
>> >> interpretation.
>> >> George L. Hart, 2015. The Four Hundred Songs of
>> Love.Institut Français
>> >> De Pondichéry, Pondicherry.
>> >> Irā. Iḷaṅkumaraṉ, 1987. Pāṇar. Maṇivācakar Patippakam,
>> Citamparam.
>> >> Rā. Irākavaiyaṅkār, 1923. Eṭṭuttokaiyuḷ Neṭuntokai
>> Ākum Akanāṉūṟu
>> >> Mulamum Uraiyum. Vē. Irājakōpālaiyaṅkār Patippu,
>> Mayilāppūr.
>> >> Na. Mu. Vēṅkaṭacāmi Nāṭṭār and R. Vēṅkaṭācalam Pīllai,
>> 1946.
>> >> Eṭṭuttokaiyil Oṉṟāṉa Akanāṉūṟu Maṇimiṭai Pāvaḷam.
>> Tirunelvēli,
>> >> Tennintiya Caiva Cittāṇta Nuṟpatippuk Kaḻakam, Ceṉṉai.
>> >> Auvai Turaicāmip Pillai, 1958. Eṭṭuttokaiyil Oṉṟākiya
>> Aiṅkuṟunūṟu
>> >> Mulamum Viḷakkavuraiyum. Part III. Mullai. Aṇṇāmalaip
>> palkalaik
>> >> kaḻakattārāl veḷiyiṭappeṟṟatu.
>> >> Ve. Varatarācaṉ, 1973. Tamiḻppāṇar Vāḻvum Varalāṟum.
>> Pāṇṇaṉ
>> >> Patippakam, Ceṉṉai.
>> >> Eva Wilden, 2018. A Critical Edition and an Annotated
>> Translation of
>> >> the Akanāṉūṟu, 3 volumes.École Française
>> D’Extrême-Orient and Institut
>> >> Français De Pondichéry, Pondicherry.
>> >> Regards,
>> >> Palaniappan
>> >>
>> >> On Oct 22, 2012, at 11:13 PM,palaniappa at aol.com
>> >> <mailto:palaniappa at aol.com>wrote:
>> >> Dear George,
>> >> I appreciate your comments.
>> >> As for the fonts, I like to use the diacritic
>> fonts too whenever
>> >> possible. In my first post, I did use the
>> diacritic fonts. But,
>> >> when Dr. Tieken replied to my post the diacritic
>> fonts in my
>> >> earlier post showed up as question marks in my
>> Mac. Since there
>> >> were not too many participants in the thread, to
>> be safe, I
>> >> resorted to the transliteration I used.
>> >> Thanks
>> >> Regards,
>> >> Palaniappan
>> >>
>> >> -----Original Message-----
>> >> From: George Hart <glhart at BERKELEY.EDU
>> <mailto:glhart at BERKELEY.EDU>>
>> >> To: INDOLOGY <INDOLOGY at liverpool.ac.uk
>> >> <mailto:INDOLOGY at liverpool.ac.uk>>
>> >> Sent: Mon, Oct 22, 2012 3:53 pm
>> >> Subject: Re: [INDOLOGY] On the Date of Classical
>> Tamil Poems
>> >>
>> >> Dear Palaniappan,
>> >> I think you have made a good case for Pāṇaṉ and
>> Bāṇa, and
>> >> especially like the perumpāṇaṉ / bṛhadbāṇa, as
>> even the
>> >> alliteration works. I hope you publish this, as
>> it is
>> >> significant, I think. I am still not convinced by
>> what you say
>> >> about pāṇar in the Kuṟuntokai poem -- after
>> reading many Sangam
>> >> poems and working through much of the Akananuru, your
>> >> interpretation just doesn't sound right to me. Of
>> course, that
>> >> doesn't mean you aren't correct, but there's
>> really no way to
>> >> tell. If the Pāṇar were standing to one side (or,
>> more likely, in
>> >> the middle of one side playing their drums), and a
>> battle started,
>> >> they'd still be looking in front and behind them
>> to avoid being
>> >> killed. Thanks for an intriguing and informative
>> analysis.
>> >> One remark: Why not use roman unicode, as it's
>> very hard to read
>> >> the transliteration that eschews diacritic marks.
>> I believe every
>> >> OS and email program is capable of handling 8-bit
>> unicode.
>> >> George
>> >> On Oct 21, 2012, at 9:21 PM, Sudalaimuthu Palaniappan
>> >> <Palaniappa at AOL.COM <mailto:Palaniappa at AOL.COM>>
>> wrote:
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> Dear George,
>> >> Please see the attached inscription. What can
>> one say about
>> >> the perumpANan here? Is he a pANan2 or bANan2?
>> Which comes
>> >> first - perumpANan2 or bRhad-bANa? The
>> modifier 'peru' is
>> >> found in other names such as perumuttaraiyar
>> (mentioned in
>> >> nAlaTiyAr), ko-p-peruñ-cOzan2, peruñ-cEral,
>> etc. The title
>> >> peru- is very common in Tamil. It was also
>> used in connection
>> >> with different professions as in perumpANan2
>> and perunAvican2.
>> >> Then how about the title bRhad in bRhadbANa?
>> >> First of all, the title bRhad-bANa for a
>> dynasty is very
>> >> unusual. The only other so-called dynastic
>> title I know of,
>> >> bRhatphAlAyana, is not a dynastic title at
>> all. In fact, in
>> >> the case of bRhatphAlAyanas and sAlankAyanas,
>> according to K.
>> >> A. Nilakanta Sastri, the scholars have simply
>> used the gotra
>> >> names in the absence of dynastic names.
>> (Early History of the
>> >> Andhra Country, p.151, n.1). Moreover, it is
>> only in the
>> >> tALagunda inscription we find the occurrence
>> of 'bRhad-bANa'.
>> >> Everywhere else in non-Tamil inscriptions, the
>> members of the
>> >> dynasty are called bANarAja, bANAdhirAja-. In
>> other words we
>> >> only find bANa- but not bRhad-bANa. But in
>> Tamil we find many
>> >> instances of perumpANaraicar, permpANan, etc.
>> >> This leads one to infer that the author of the
>> tALagunda
>> >> inscription was simply translating the name
>> perumpANan2 into
>> >> Sanskrit. Since in Tamil -p- following nasal
>> -m- is pronounced
>> >> as -b-, the author of tALagunda has rendered
>> the first
>> >> component as bRhad and kept the second part as
>> bANa. This
>> >> suggests that the original form of the
>> dynastic name should
>> >> have been Ta. pANan2. It is also possible that
>> in the Kannada
>> >> and Telugu areas 'pANa-' was being pronounced
>> as 'bANa' either
>> >> independently or influenced by the
>> pronunciation of '- pANan2'
>> >> in perumpANan2 as '-bANan2' . Once the
>> stand-alone form
>> >> 'bANa' becomes widespread, a re-branding using
>> a Sanskrit
>> >> mythological pedigree tracing the lineage to
>> mahAbali, father
>> >> of bANAsura is carried out with the dynastic
>> title as 'bANa'.
>> >> Later when this form 'bANa' is imported back
>> into Tamil, Skt.
>> >> bANa > Ta. vANa-.
>> >> In the book "ceGkam naTukaRkaL" inscription
>> no. 1971/54 of the
>> >> 2nd year of Narasimhavarman II mentions a
>> vANakO atiraicar. In
>> >> the same collection, no. 1971/73 of the 10th
>> year of the same
>> >> king mentions a perumpANatiyaraicar.
>> >> The phrase "ezAap pANan2" further points to
>> the homophon
>> >> indicating bard as well as the chieftain
>> suggesting in this
>> >> case that the chieftain was called 'pANan2'
>> too with
>> >> word-initial p-.
>> >> As for the domicile and area controlled by the
>> pANan2/bANa
>> >> chiefs, it has varied historically. They might
>> have started
>> >> near Gingee where the paRaiyan2paTTu
>> inscription is found
>> >> mentioning 'pANAtu'. (At least one variant of
>> akam.155
>> >> mentions pANATu. See Early Tamil Epigraphy, p.
>> 629 for a
>> >> discussion of this.) Then they could have
>> moved north so that
>> >> by the 4th century they are found near
>> zrIparvata hill. After
>> >> serving the Chalukya, Pallava, and Chola
>> dynasties, in the
>> >> 13th century, we see bANa chieftains with
>> titles such as
>> >> mAvali vANAdirAyan, mAbali vANarAyar, etc.,
>> controlling parts
>> >> of the pANTiya country under the pANTiyas. As
>> a parallel case,
>> >> it should be noted that a branch of the
>> Cholas, Telugu Cholas,
>> >> were controlling areas around Sonepur in
>> Orissa in the 12th
>> >> century issuing inscriptions in Sanskrit
>> tracing their descent
>> >> to Chola karikAla and uRaiyUr (EI 28, p. 286)
>> progressively
>> >> moving northeast from the area to the north of
>> the Tamil
>> >> country over several centuries.
>> >> In my opinion, the pANan2 mentioned in Akam
>> 113 and 226
>> >> referred to one or more members of the same
>> lineage later
>> >> called the bANas.
>> >> kaTTi mentioned in akam 226 is also mentioned
>> in akam 44 as
>> >> well as kuRuntokai 11. See below.
>> >> /tun2 arum kaTum tiRal kaGkan2 kaTTi (akam.
>> 44.8)/
>> >> /pal vEl kaTTi nal nATTu umpar/
>> >> /mozipeyar tEettar Ayin2um/(kuRu. 11.7-8)
>> >> We should take the dynatic names mentioned
>> here as individuals
>> >> belonging the dynasty being mentioned. Like
>> the bAnas, these
>> >> dynasties were also in the northern border of
>> the Tamil
>> >> country. 'kaGkan' referred to the Western
>> Ganga dynasty.
>> >> Vicciyar were also in the northern area. So it
>> is not
>> >> surprising that pANar allied themselves with
>> vicci or kaTTi.
>> >>
>> >> The use of the plural form pANar in kuRu. 328
>> is of the same
>> >> nature as in akam. 336 below.
>> >>
>> >> /mAri ampin2 mazai tOl cOzar/
>> >>
>> >> /vil INTu kuRumpin2 vallattup puRa miLai/
>> >>
>> >> /Ariyar paTaiyin2 uTaika en2/
>> >>
>> >> /nEr iRai mun2kai vIgkiya vaLaiy/E (akam.
>> 336.20-23)
>> >>
>> >> Here 'cOzar' (in plural) could refer to the
>> cOza fighters.
>> >>
>> >> Similarly, you can see 'cOzar' used below
>> referring to the
>> >> cOza fighters
>> >>
>> >> /koRRac cOzar kogkarp paNIiyar/
>> >>
>> >> /veNkOTTu yAn2aip pOor kizavOn2/
>> >>
>> >> /pazaiyan2 vEl vAyttan2n2a nin2/(naR. 10.6-8)
>> >>
>> >> So in kuRu. 328, pANar (bANa) forces would
>> have joined the
>> >> battle on the side of the vicciyar who might
>> be led by their
>> >> chief, 'perumakan2'. It is possible the pANan2
>> chief might
>> >> have sent his forces without joining them.
>> >>
>> >> As for non-fighters standing between the two
>> armies, I
>> >> consider it highly unlikely they were standing
>> in between the
>> >> fighting armies. They have to be really
>> standing on the side
>> >> while the battle is raging and in that case
>> they will only
>> >> move their gaze from side to side and not
>> front and back. So I
>> >> do not think simhAvalokanyAya will be valid
>> here. At least if
>> >> the description applies to the fighters, then
>> their behavior
>> >> will parallel the warriors whether it is their
>> fierce look or
>> >> looking forward and backward, So, the looking
>> persons should
>> >> be fighters and not bards.
>> >>
>> >> Regards,
>> >>
>> >> Palaniappan
>> >>
>> >>
>> >>
>> >> <Perumpanan_0004.jpg>
>> >>
>> >> _______________________________________________
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