hindimcs at u.washington.edu
Thu Feb 16 11:26:48 EST 1995
You might also want to look at Ram Adhar Singh's "Syntax of Aprabhramsa"
(Simant Publications, 1980). I would also suggest that you get in
contact with Professor H.C. Bhayani (25/2 Vimanagar, Satellite Road,
Ahmedabad-380 015) for help on the Apabhramsa data.
On Thu, 16 Feb 1995, gor05 wrote:
> Hello fellow Indologists!
> I am currently working on my doctorate on historical syntax in the Indo-
> Aryan languages and have run into a problem that I was hoping someone out
> there in the list could help me with.
> What I'm interested in finding out is this: in Classical Sanskrit, the PPP-
> construction for the perfect normally has the agent in the instrumental,
> although this can also appear in the dative or genitive, although this is
> much more seldom. For example: mayA kaTaH kRtaH, or seldom: mama/mahyam
> kaTaH kRtaH.
> The same is also true with the gerundivum ('participium
> necessitatis'): one normally says mayA kaTaH kartavyaH, but it is also
> allowed to say mama/mahyam kaTaH kartavyaH. As with the PPP, this is very
> seldomly used. Panini's rules as to which verbs take which case seem to
> have lost their validity early on.
> I have also noticed that the same seems to hold true for (early) Pali texts
> (such as the MahAvagga).What I wanted to know is whether in Apabhramsa these
> constructions are as seldomly used with the genitive / dative as they are in
> Skt/Pali, or whether they - especially with the gerundive - appear more often
> with the genitive or dative than in Skt., as for example in Hindi:
> mujhe (dative) kuch karnA hai - I have to do something. As I don't know any
> Apabhramsa, I am completely dependent on secondary literature. So far, all
> I have found is G. Tagare's: Historical Grammar of ApabhramSa, which doesn't
> seem to deal with syntax very much.
> If there is enough interest, I'd be glad to post a summary. Please send any
> replies directly to me.
> Thanks in advance!
> John Peterson, Kiel, Germany
> email: gor05 at rz.uni-kiel.d400.de
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